Trivia Time! Which local man was in the room when the first telegraph was sent? Who shared a boarding house with Abraham Lincoln? Which man raised in our area was the first to propose a cross country railroad system connecting California to the east coast? Who is credited for the phrase "In God We Trust" appearing on our coins? Who is credited for carving the eagle into a stone at what would eventually become the ACF complex?
The answer to all of those is the same man : Milton native, James Pollock. 
Born September 11 1810 in Milton Pa, he was one of seven children born to William & Sarah (Wilson) Pollock. Pollock attended the Milton Classical Academy, before receiving his bachelors degree and masters of arts degrees at Princeton. Returning to Milton, he practiced law with Samuel Hepburn before setting up his own practice in 1833. In 1837, he married the daughter of Samuel Hepburn, Sarah Ann.
1825 - The Stone Pollock Carved that is still in Milton today
When former Governor & Milton native James Pollock was about 15 years old, he carved a stone that was used in his brother Flemming Pollock's Mt Pleasant Distillery building. The stone is dated 1825. See it here : https://susquehannavalley.blogspot.com/2020/08/the-stone-that-governor-james-pollock.html
Pollock served as Northumberland county district attorney from 1836-1838
Fellow Congressman, & Friend, Of Abraham Lincoln
In 1844 Pollack was elected to congress. As a freshman congressman, Pollock boarded in the same rooming house as another new congressman, Abraham Lincoln, and they soon developed a mutual respect and longstanding friendship
1844 - The First Telegraph Is Sent, Pollock Was In The Room
In 1843, Morse and Vail received funding from the U.S. Congress to set up and test their telegraph system between Washington, D.C., and Baltimore, Maryland. An early supporter of Samuel F.B. Morse and his idea for a telegraph, Pollock was instrumental in getting Congress to appropriate a small amount to help build the first line.
Pollock was present in the room when the first message, "What hath God wrought" was received, ushering in a new age of telecommunication.
1850 - Appointed Judge
After three successive terms in Congress, Pollock was appointed Pennsylvania's Eighth Judicial District president judge, in 1850.
1855-1859 - Governor Of Pennsylvania
http://www.phmc.state.pa.us/portal/communities/governors/1790-1876/james-pollock.html
1866 - In God We Trust
On January 1, 1866 United States silver and gold coins begin bearing the motto, “In God We Trust.” The one exception: the dime, due to its small size. James Pollock is widely attributed as responsible for this phrase, and he was the director of the mint at the time.
In the mid 1860s, secretary of the Treasury Salmon P. Chase had received many appeals from devout persons throughout the country urging that the United States recognize the Deity on United States coins. From Treasury Department records, it appears that the first such appeal came in a letter dated November 13, 1861, from Rev. M. R. Watkinson, Ridleyville, Pennsylvania, to Secretary Chase.
Secretary Chase in a letter dated November 20, 1861 instructed James Pollock, Director of the Mint at Philadelphia, to prepare a motto. An Act of Congress dated January 18, 1837, prescribed the mottoes and devices that should be placed upon the coins of the United States. This meant that the mint could make no changes without the enactment of additional legislation by the Congress.
In December 1863, the Director of the Mint submitted designs for new one-cent, two-cent, and three-cent coins to Secretary Chase for approval. Pollock proposed that either OUR COUNTRY; OUR GOD or GOD, OUR TRUST should appear as a motto on the coins. In a letter to the Mint Director on December 9, 1863, Secretary Chase responded:
"I approve your mottos, only suggesting that on that with the Washington obverse [front side] the motto should begin with the word OUR, so as to read OUR GOD AND OUR COUNTRY. And on that with the shield, it should be changed so as to read: IN GOD WE TRUST. "
The Congress passed the Act on April 22, 1864. This legislation changed the composition of the one-cent coin and authorized the minting of the two-cent coin. The Mint Director was directed to develop the designs for these coins for final approval of the Secretary. IN GOD WE TRUST first appeared on the 1864 two-cent coin. This motto, which Pollock took part in enacting, continues to be used on U.S. currency up to the present.
1857 - Normal School Act
Governor Pollock also brought about the Normal School Act of 1857, which brought about regional teacher training institutions throughout the Commonwealth, the charter for the Farmer's High School (the institution that would grow into the Pennsylvania State University), & the creation of a secretary of Common Schools.
Pollock also established the Department of Public Instruction that later became the Department of Education. Pennsylvania’s public education system is one of the earliest and most successful systems established in the United States.
1857 - Sale Of State Works
Pollock's most notable milestone of his administration was the sale, in 1857, of the western division of the State Works—consisting of canals and the Allegheny Portage Railroad-to the Pennsylvania Railroad, which had opened its own line to Pittsburgh in 1854 after opening the famous Horseshoe Curve crossing in the Allegheny Mountains near Altoona. This began Pennsylvania's process of liquidating the expensive and increasingly obsolete State Works. The canals were by then operating at a continual deficit and the operation was racked by corruption. The sale greatly reduced the state debt, allowing Pollock to reduce taxes.
Purchased The First Governors Mansion
James Pollock purchased the first governor's mansion at 111 South Second Street in Harrisburg. It would be the official home of two governors, Packer and Curtin. Until then, governors rented or purchased their own residences. (Curtin had been a classmate of Pollock's)
1861- Pollock On Peace Convention, Which Failed To Stop The Civil War
In 1861, Pollock was chairman of the Pennsylvania delegation to the Washington Peace Convention, which failed to prevent the Civil War. That same year President Abraham Lincoln appointed him director of the United States Mint in Philadelphia. He served from 1861 to 1866 and then was reappointed by President Ulysses S. Grant in 1869. From 1873 to 1879, he was elevated to superintendent of the Mint when the U.S. Mint became part of the U.S. Department of the Treasury. Pollock's leadership at the Mint led to adopting his suggestion for the "In God We Trust" motto on U. S. coins. He also served as the naval officer in charge of U.S. Customs in Philadelphia and was the federal chief supervisor of elections in 1886. The former governor was a trustee of Lafayette College and a founder and trustee of the Pennsylvania Military College.
1878 - The Sunday Breakfast Rescue Mission
Well-known businessmen John Wanamaker (Wanamaker’s Department Store); John B. Stetson (Stetson Hat Co.); W. Atlee Burpee (Burpee Seed Co.); and former Gov. James Pollock established the Sunday Breakfast Association. More than 250 men attended the first meeting at 11th and Wood streets, where they were served a hot cup of coffee and a roll before church.
"Sunday Breakfast Rescue Mission was established with a simple goal in mind: to serve breakfast every Sunday to Philadelphia’s poor and homeless while sharing with them the love of Jesus Christ. Since the Mission’s founding in 1878, Sunday Breakfast has grown to be the largest emergency homeless shelter in Philadelphia, and the only provider of the three free meals a day, 365 days a year to homeless men, women, and children. Sunday Breakfast has become a safe haven for the homeless community by ministering to the mind, body, and spirit of anyone who walks through our doors."
The Home Of Former Governor Pollock, After the 1880 Fire
This was the first stone house built in Milton, in 1796
Stone mason Peter Swartz built the home for James Black.
Today, the Elks Club Stands here.
1890 - James Pollock Died
Pollock died in Lock Haven on April 19, 1890, and is interred in Milton Cemetery "in the town of his birth."
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JAMES POLLOCK was born in Milton, Pennsylvania and received both bachelor’s and master’s degrees from the College of New Jersey (Princeton). He went on to read law and became District Attorney for Northumberland County and then Judge of the Court of Common Pleas. He won three terms in the U.S. House of Representatives, where he chaired the select committee charged with overseeing construction of a railroad to the Pacific. A friend of Samuel Morse, he also urged Congress to fund the first telegraph line in 1844. In 1850 he was appointed President Judge of the Eighth Pennsylvania Judicial District. In the 1854 gubernatorial race, he was nominated by the Whigs and defeated Democratic incumbent William Bigler with the added support of nativist Know-Nothings, opponents of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, and temperance advocates. As governor, Pollock sought to end the state’s expensive involvement in public transportation, overseeing the sale of the Main Line properties of the Pennsylvania State Works to the Pennsylvania Railroad, which helped reduce the state’s debt. He also established a department to implement public school legislation. Following the Panic of 1857, he developed methods of preventing the collapse of state-chartered banks. Declining to run for a second term as governor, Pollock returned to the practice of law. He went on to chair the Pennsylvania delegation to the 1861 Washington Peace Convention and later served as Director of the Mint of Philadelphia and then Superintendent of the Mint—a newly-created position in which he originated the motto “In God We Trust.” He was Naval Officer of Customs in Philadelphia from 1879 to 1883 and Federal Chief Supervisor of Elections in 1886. He also served as a trustee of Lafayette College and founder and trustee of Pennsylvania Military College.
Photo at the top of this post: from the second of two photograph albums of important Philadelphians created by W. Curtis Taylor and Company for the Centennial Exhibition in 1876.
Pollock School, Milton
"In January 1796, brothers William and Thomas Pollock came to Milton and started store keeping in the kitchen of the vacant Vincent house."
==============Mr. Pollock was also one of the earliest of our
public men to accept the idea of the great destiny of the
Western United States, after the extension of our territory
to the Pacific by Mexican annexation. On June 23,
1848, only one year after the acquisition of California,
Mr. Pollock offered a resolution for the appointment of
a special committee to inquire into the necessity and
practicability of constructing a railroad to the Pacific
coast. As chairman of that committee he made a report
to the House of Representatives in favor of the construction
of such a road. This report may be found in
the third volume of the House Journal for the first session
of the 30th Congress. This was the very first favorable
official act on this subject on the part of the
Congress of the United States. The report discussed the
question in its international and domestic aspects, its
feasibility and probable results. The opening paragraph
is in these words: "The proposition at first view is a
startling one. The magnitude of the work itself, and the
still greater and more magnificent results promised by
its accomplishment-that of revolutionizing morally
and commercially, if not politically, a greater part of
the habitable globe and making the vast commerce of
the world tributary to us-almost overwhelm the mind.
But your committee, on examination, find it a subject
as simple as it is vast and magnificent, and see no insurmountable
difficulties in the way of its successful
accomplishment." Congressman Pollock and his few
colleagues on the committee were in advance of their
time. They failed, of course, but the report, which asserted
the feasibility of the enterprise and predicted its
success, soon became history.
A bill accompained the report and was referred to
the Committee of the Whole, but no further action was
taken at that time, and Mr. Pollock soon after left Congress.
In the fall of that year, however, he delivered a
lecture on "The Pacific Railroad," by invitation, to a
crowded house in the Academy of Music at Lewisburg.
He was heard with rapt attention, and he closed his
is
14 The Northumberland Countp Histodcal Societp
memorable and eloquent address with the following
remark: "At the risk of being considered insane, I will
venture the prediction that in less than twenty-five
years from this evening a railroad will be completed and
in operation between New York and San Francisco,
California; and that a line of steamboats will be established
between San Francisco, Japan and China; and
that there are now in my audience ladies who will, before
the expiration of the period named, drink tea
brought from China and Japan by this route to their
own doors!" This prophetic announcement was received
by the audience with smiles of good natured incredulity;
but some of those very ladies, during the year 1869,
only twenty-one years later, were able to sip their favorite
beverage in exact accordance with the terms of
the speaker's prediction! On May 10, 1869, the last
rail was laid, the last spike was driven and the great
Pacific Railway, so long in embryo, became an accomplished
fact.
Other subjects of special interest during his Congressional
term of service were the annexation of Texas,
the Mexican War, the acquisition of California, the
repeal of the Tariff Act of 1842, and the "Wilmot Proviso"
in its application to the newly acquired Territories
of the United States. In the discussions on these exciting
topics Mr. Pollock took an active and leading
part. His speeches and votes demonstrate the consistency
of his views and the breadth and soundness of his
understanding. He and David Wilmot were most intimate
friends and remained so throughout life. Mr. Pollock
was one of the younger members of the House
when he entered Congress, but during his nearly six
years of service he had exhibited not only great efficiency
as a national legislator, but he was in advance of
most of his older associates in heartily sustaining all
progressive movements.
An incident which influenced the remainder of his
life occurred during this service in Congress. Abraham
Lincoln was first elected to Congress in August, 1846,
but did not take his seat until the 30th Congress, December,
1847. In Washington Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Pollock
Governor James Pollock
were not only the most intimate friends but shared the
same room and bed. The friendship which was then
formed lasted until the great President fell a victim of
the assassin's bullet. They ate at the same mess, which
was conducted by Mrs. Spriggs, in Duff Green's Row, on
Capitol Hill. There were nine friends in this congenial
atmosphere, and five of the nine were Pennsylvanians:
James Pollock, of the 13th, John Blanchard, of the 17th,
John Dickey, of the 20th, Abraham R. McIlvaine, of the
7th and John Strohm, of the 8th District. This association
had much to do, in subsequent political events,
with the election of Lincoln as President, in 1860. It
also had much to do with the future life of James
Pollock.
When his service in Congress drew to a close Mr.
Pollock was placed in a position where his training and
ambitious peculiarly fitted him. Judge Joseph B. Anthony
died January 10, 1851, and James Pollock was
appointed President Judge of the Eighth Judicial District,
then composed of the counties of Northumberland,
Montour, Columbia, Sullivan and Lycoming. In assuming
this position, January 16, Judge Pollock succeeded
Judge Anthony, his early schoolmaster. He served only
until the following January, however, as the new Constitution
was then in effect and its provisions required
the election of judges by the people. Judge Pollock declined
the nomination offered him, when he was succeeded
by Alexander Jordan, another Milton attorney
of great worth. Thus Judges Anthony, Pollock and Jordan,
whose terms were successive, were all Milton attornies,
and the only Miltonians who have ever presided
over the several courts of Northumberland county. While
the incumbency of Judge Pollock was the shortest in
the history of the county, it was long enough to secure
for his abilities in this position an ample recognition.
Such was the record of the able Miltonian, and it is
little wonder it attracted the attention of those in the
leadership of the Whig Party at Pennsylvania when the
election for governor approached in 1854. Mr. Pollock
was now well and favorably known. To his friends and
fellow citizens he was a man of rare culture and ability;
is
16 The Northumberland Countp Historical SocietD
of fine address; handsome; possessed of a commanding
physique, somewhat above the average in height. He
had dark eyes and hair, smooth shaven face, and a
countenance expressive of intelligence and benignity.
His manners were delightful; he was an eloquent speaker,
graceful, persuasive and convincing, and possessed
remarkable tact in gaining the sympathy and approval
of his hearers. Strong conscientiousness was a prominent
element in his character, and, while his official
acts were at times subjected to violent criticism, the
honesty of his intentions was conceded by his most determined
opponents.
The gubernatorial contest of 1854 presented the
most unique and conspicious results to be found in the
entire history of Pennsylvania politics. It was the last
battle made by the Whig party as a recognized factor,
and, while it was thus in its dying throes, the Democratic
party was greatly disintegrated and sowed the
seeds which made it practically a minority party for
more than a generation.
Thus, it elected James Buchanan, of Lancaster, in
1856, President, but he was largely a minority victor,
but it is true that for a quarter of a century thereafter
the party was defeated in every National contest.
The repeal of the Missouri compromise, in 1854, by
the Democratic House of Representatives, Senate and
President, aroused the anti-slavery sentiment that so
largely pervaded the Democratic ranks in every section
of Pennsylvania, and brought out the first murmurs of
revolt, and the sudden organization of the Native
American, or "Know Nothing" party, with the Whig
organization practically on the verge of breaking up.
Thus there was found a wide field with loose aggregations
of both Whigs and Democrats, and these elements
were adroitly combined against Governor William Bigler
in favor of James Pollock who succeeded him.
Tn the history of free government, such as is ours,
there must be many political blunders committed in *he
heat of great party struggles, or to promote individual
ambition, such as we have experienced to our sorrow
and misfortune in recent years, both in this Common*
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Governor James-Pollock
wealth and in the Nation. But the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise stands out single and alone as the most
monstrous and fatal of all political blunders by the party
entrenched in power.
The question of human slavery extension had been
a very vital one. The North was developing and extending
westward with great rapidity, giving positive
assurace of new free States at an early day, while the
South had nothing in prospect to maintain what it
called the "equilibrium" between the two sections. ID
addition to this necessity of political power, the old
slave States were largely interested in slave markets, as
their exhausted lands made slave growing more profitable
than the simple cultivation of their plantations.
It was deliberately decided that the battle should
be made to control the population of the two new Territories
of Kansas and Nebraska by southern votes from
Missouri, which would give them slave constitutions.
But the Missouri Compromise stood in the way, when
it was repealed, and from that moment dated not only
the decline of the Democratic party, but it sowed the
dragon's teeth that made the unavoidance of the Civil
War impossible in 1861.
The Native American, or Know Nothing, organization,
which became such an important political power,
was the culmination of various spasmodic native American
organizations beginning in New York as early as
1835, and extending to Philadelphia and Boston. The
original Native American organization of New York was
directed wholly against foreigners, particularly the Irish,
who held many positions on the police force and in other
city departments. It came into its greatest power in
1844, when it controlled the entire city government of
New York.
Native Americans, in 1844, carried the fall elections
in Philadelphia, with the material aid of the Whigs,
and remained an important element in both city and
State politics in Pennsylvania for a number of years.
Opposition to the Roman Catholics was not, before
that time, an avowed article of the Native American
faith, but by 1844, they had become so powerful as to
17
18 The Northumberland Countp Historical Society
disgrace the city of Philadelphia by what is sorrowfully
remembered as the Native American riots, in which a
number of lives . were lost and several Cat-holie churches
and institutions were destroyed by fire. These riots led
to the incorporation of the anti-Catholic plank into the
Native American faith, and from that moment until
the order entirely disappeared from politics the
opposition to Catholicism was even more a vital issue
than their original opposition to foreigners.
The Native American party was an open political
organization, but when its power was visibly waning
in both Philadelphia and New York a new secret party
was organized out of the remains of the old Native
American. The name of the new party was "The Sons
of '76, or the Order of the Star Spangled Banner." The
name, however, was not made known to the members
until they were admitted to its higher degrees, and all
initiates were instructed that if asked about the organization
they should answer that they knew nothing about
it. This gave rise to the title of "Know Nothings," by
which the organization was popularly known throughout
the period of its existence. They wore no badges, displayed
no banners, and their meetings were always held
in the utmost privacy, and called by a signal understood
only by the initiated.
Chief Justice Jeremiah S. Black well described the
Know Nothing party when he, startled at the exhibition
of their power and appalled at the wrecks they had
wrought on both sides of the old party lines, gave vent
to the truly prophetic observation: "They're like the
bee, biggest when it's born; it will perish as quickly as
it rose to power."
The Know Nothing organization did rapidly decline
in strength, principally because its secret methods gave
despotic power to its leaders. Having absorbed the
Whig party it struggled along for a few years, when
it and the remnant of the Whigs were themselves absorbed
in the Republican party, whose timely birth gave
refuge to the hopeless old organization. By 1856 the
Know Nothing party had practically disappeared as a
political factor. Thus its achievemea were confined
Governor James Pollock
to a single year, 1854, when it controlled Pennsylvania
and Massachusetts. It was also in this year Robert T.
forIrLd, tne Whig candidate for mayor of Philadelphia,
was supported by the Know Nothings and he defeated
Richard Vaux by more than 8000 votes.
Had the contest for Governor in 1854 been fought
out squarely between the Whig and Democratic parties
there is little doubt that the Whig ticket would have
been elected, because of the Democratic revolt against
the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. But the Know
Nothing organization, with its severely secret appliances,
gradually attracted quite two-thirds of the Whigs of
Pennsylvania and also a very large proportion of the
Democrats.
The Whigs and Democrats held their regular State
conventions early in the year, 1854, as was common
practice in those days. Governor Bigler was renominated,
not only with entire unanimity but with unusual
enthusiasm by his supporters. There was no sign of
Democratic disintegration, or the advent of the new
political factor at this moment. In the Whig convention,
which met at Harrisburg March 15, James Pollock
appeared as the logical candidate. He had, as we have
learned, exhibited unusual personal and political
strength in carrying three successive elections against
a picked opponent in the strong Democratic Congressional
District. The nomination of Judge Pollock was affected
without a serious contest. The name of Andrew
G. Curtin, of Bellefonte, was presented to the convention
but, as Col. A. K. McClure, in his "Old Time Notes"
says: "It was not done with any hope of winning the
nomination for him, but Curtin was the favorite of a
large element of the younger Whigs in the interior of
the State and they simply put him in training for the
great battles which he fought later in life."
McClure said of Pollock at this time: "He was
not a man of more forceful intellect than Governor Bigler,
but quite as logical and rather more fervent and
ornate in public discussion. Thus the two candidates
for governor were both men who had been tried in the
public service, both of unblemished reputation, and
'19
20 The Northumberland Counip Historical SocIete
both prepared to bring high qualities of statesmanship
and ripe experience to the service of the State."
Pollock as the nominee indicated that Andrew G.
Curtin was the man to take charge of his campaign.
Curtin was promptly made chairman of the Whig State
Committee, when he immediately entered upon his
duties and with all the ardor that he exhibited in his
later public efforts.
During the spirited campaign Mr. Pollock was
subjected to numerous demands that he express his position
on important questions which were then of great
interest. Two months after his nomination four important
communicationm in reference to the proposed
prohibitory law were addressed to him, and he replied
in an open letter as follows: "I say the constitutionality
of a prohibitory law similar, in its essential features
to the one referred to in your interrogatories, having received
a judicial determination by the highest courts
of several of our sister States, and the principle having
been recognized by the Supreme Courts of the United
States, I am relieved from the responsibility of a decision.
The courts having affirmed the constitutionality of a
prohibitory law, and being of the highest authority, I
believe, upon principles and authority, such a law to
be constitutional; and its constitutionality in my opinion
would not be affected by a submission of its repeal to
a vote of the people.
"Every measure of moral and political reform,
sanctioned by the representatives of the people, within
the limits of the Constitution, would receive my official
sanction. The expediency and propriety of such laws
are for the people through their representatives, and
their will, constitutionally declared, should be respected
by the Executive. If the people demand and their
Representatives enact such a law, their will should not
,be resisted by the exercise of the veto power, a power
purely conservative, and only to be exercised in cases
clearly unconstitutional, or exhibiting evidence of hasty,
injurious, and imperfect legislation. Such being my
views of official duty in the premises, should the Legislature-
the constitutional exponent of popular willGovemor
James Pollock
enact such a law, it would in the event of my election
receive the Executive sanction."
About this same time Chairman Curtin was confronted
with the startling information that there was a
secret organization in Pennsylvania that embraced a
majority of the Whig voters, as well as numerous Democrats.
It was when the Whig candidate for mayor of
Philadelphia was swept into office by the votes of the
Know NQthing party. This result seemed sufficient to
confirm the reports of the strength of that secret organization.
McClure, writing further about this campaign,
says: "I happened to be in a position to know the
inner movements of that contest, and, while there have
been some political struggles in Pennsylvania which
were regarded als exceptionally peculiar in their developments
and results I confess that I never saw political
high jinks played to the limit as it was by the Know
Nothings in 1854."
Three men of low cunning availed themselves of
the peculiar facilities offered by the secret organization,
assumed autocratic leadership and managed to obtain
possession of the machinery of the Know Nothing organization.
There was no public assemblies where the
movements of the party could be discussed, and those
who controlled the State Council had it in their power
to declare for or against any candidate. The several
lodges voted in secret, neither one ever knowing what
another did, while the returns were sent to the State
Council to be computed and declared.
These leaders were brutally frank in their demand
and threatened to defeat the Whig candidate for Governor
if Curtin would not solemnly pledge them three
of the most lucrative offices within the gift of the Governor.
They even warned Curtin that it made no difference
how the Know Nothing lodges voted, they could
and would declare the nomination in favor of or against
Pollock, depending on Curtin's agreement to their proposition.
Curtin was inclined to reject their demands and
expose their infamy, but he feared it would cost the
success of his candidate. He deliberated, long and held
21
22 The Northumberland Countp Historical Socletp
several conferences with the three leaders, who always
appeared together, when finally, without consulting with
Pollock, he acceeded to their demands to the extent of
agreeing that he would recommend the appointments
they demanded, but could not give an unqualified
pledge as to the action of the Governor.
Mr. Pollock was not a member of the Know Nothing
organization, nor was he at any time aware of the deal
being made. It is also to be understood that Curtin
insisted that Pollock should not be advised of it during
the contest. Curtin was safe in taking the position he
did, for the leaders could not have approached the
Democrats with a like proposition, as none of the three
leaders held any position with that party.
The State Council, true to the agreement, announced
the nominees of the Know Nothing party: Pollock,
Whig, for governor; Henry S. Mott, Democrat, for Canal
Commissioner; and Thomas Baird, Know Nothing, for
Supreme Court. Mott was a dyed-in-the-wool Democrat,
and like Pollock, had no knowledge of the endorsement,
nor did he belong to the organization, but, on the contrary,
strongly denounced it.
The alleged nomination of Pollock and Mott by the
Know Nothings was a deliberate fraud upon the adherents
of that party. Their names were submitted to the
various lodges as members of the order. It mattered
little whether the lodges voted for or against Pollock
and Mott, there was no power to revise the returns when
announced by the State Council. The ticket was accepted
without a question, and the election of Pollock and
Mott absolutely assured.
Even Curtin, who was in such close contact with
the three leaders, had no conception of the real strength
of the Know Nothing organization, and never for a
single moment dreamed of the political revolution that
it was about to work out. When the returns came in
they dumbfounded all political calculations. Pollock, on
the Whig ticket, defeated Governor Bigler for re-election,
by nearly 40,000 votes; Mott, Democrat, had in
excess of 190,000 majority; but Jeremiah S. Black,
Democrat, was elected to the Supreme Court over his
Govemor James Pollock
Know Nothing and Whig opponents, as in this case
each party supported its own candidate.
Governor Bigler, in defeat, believed his public career
ended for it seemed the Democratic organization
was hopelessly broken, but one year later he was elected
to the United States Senate practically without contest.
The election was held October 10 and the victory
made James Pollock's name famous throughout the
United States, for his defeat of the Democratic party of
Pennsylvania gave the combined opposition, Whigs, Free
Soilers, Know Nothings and Republicans, high hopes of
carrying the State at the Presidential election of 1856.
An interesting event of a civic nature occurred between
the time of the election and inauguration. It occurred
in Milton, December 18, 1854, and it proved a gala day
for that community. It was the opening of the WI1-
liamsport and Erie Railroad and for years the celebration
was retarded as a joyful epoch in the history of the
West Branch Valley. A magnificent train carried the
member s of the City Council of Philadelphia and many
other distinguished citizens into Milton, where they were
greeted' with the ringing of bells, blowing of whistles
and martial music. A large delegation from Williamsport
was already on hand to assist the Miltonians in the
welcone to the Philadelphians. The newspaper accounts
of the day say that the excellent repast served the guests
was furnished by Williamsport. Governor-elect Pollock
graced/the occasion with his presence and delivered the
principal address. Senator Thomas Cooper also spoke.
Tie guests from Philadelphia presented the Governor-
elect with a cane which they said was the relic liberty, of made of time-honored material, wrought from
the remains of Independence Hall and prepared by the
Govejnor's friends.
Sr. Pollock was much moved by this unexpected
mark of their esteem, and received the appreciated and
historic gift in a short responsive address which glowed
with eloquence and undying devotion to American patriolsm.
{The inauguration of Governor Pollock took place
Janiary 16, 1855, and for many years afterwards was
23
24 The Northumberland Countp Historical Socetp
referred to as the most elaborate and successful ceremony
of the kind ever witnessed in the Commonwealth
The ceremony was impressive, the immense parade most
imposing, and the address of the Governor was a scholarly
statement of his high ideals, just what was expected
of Judge Pollock, and it had the ring of true metal.
Throughout his entire term of office, the subject of
the Missouri Compromise and the introduction of slaves
into the territories was warmly agitated, and it became
the duty of the Chief Magistrate of one of the most
important States in the Union to speak for the millions
of people whom he represented. That duty he performed
in a manner that admitted of no equivocal
interpretation. In his Inaugural Address he said "Pennsylvania,
occupying as she does an important an1 proud
position in the sisterhood of States, cannot be in ifferent
to the policy and acts of the national governm nt. Her
voice, potential for good in other days, ought n t to be
disregarded now. Devoted to the Constitution nd the
Union as she was the first to sanction, she will be the
last to endanger the one or violate the other. Regarding
with jealous care the rights of her sister States, he will
be ever ready to defend her own.
"To the Constitution in all its integrity, to the
Union in its strength and harmony, to the maint nance
in its purity, of the faith and honor of our c untry,
Pennsylvania now is and always has been pledged, a
pledge never violated, and not to be violated, ugtil patriotism
ceases to be a virtue, and liberty to be known
only as a name With no desire to restrain the
full and entire Constitutional rights of the S'tate, nor
to interfere directly or indirectly with their doenstic
institutions, the people' of Pennsylvania, in view Af the
repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the princip e involved
in it, and the consequences resulting from it, as
marked already by fraud, violence, and strife, hate reaffirmed
their opposition to the extension of slavery nto
the territory now free, and renewed their pledge 'to the
doctrines of the Act of 1780, which relieved us, by onstitutional
means, from a gievious social evil; to the
great ordinance of 1787, in its full scope, and all| its
Govemor James Pollock
beneficial principles; to the protection of the personal
rights of every human being under the Constitution of
Pennsylvania and the Constitution of the United States,
by maintaining inviolate the trial by jury, and the writ
of habeas corpus; to the assertion of the due rights of
the North, as well as of the South, and to the integrity
of the Union. 'The declaration of these doctrines is but
the recognition of the fundamental principles of freedom
and human rights. They are neither new nor startling
They were taught by patriotic fathers at the watch-fires
of our country's defenders, and learned amid the bloody
snows of Valley Forge and the mighty throes of war
and revolution. They were stamped with indelible impress
upon the great charter of our rights, and embodied
in the legislation of the best and purest days of the
Republic; have filled the hearts and fell burning from
the lips of orators and statesmen, whose memories are
immortal as the principles they cherished. They have
been the watchword and the hope of millions who have
gone before us, and the watchword and hope of millions
now, and will be of millions yet unborn."
Pollock's election and inauguration, of course,
,brought out the usual multitude of applicants for important
places, and the three Know Nothing leaders
decided that they would accept the positions of flour
iuspector, leather inspector and bark inspector. Curtin
was promptly named as Secretary of the Commonwealth,
when the three Know Nothing leaders assumed
they would have easy sailing in gaining their lucrative
positions. Curtin literally fulfilled his pledge to them,
saying to the Governor that he had given his promise
to urge these appointments, but that he had not pledged
the Governor to accept them. He also frankly told
the Governor all that had transpired and left the Governor
to solve the problem in his own way.
The Governor was at first inclined to appoint none of
them, but afterwards reconsidered and gave one of them
a minor inspectorship in Philadelphia. These disgruntled
men had no way of visiting vengence upon anyone
and they were not so powerful in State politics as in the
control of the State Council. As their party went prac-
25
26 The Northumberland Countp Historical Socletp
tically to pieces within a year their names were never
even locally prominent.
It is of local interest to note that the Governor appointed
Thomas Swenk, William Heinen, W. H. Frymire,
William C. Lawson and R. Bogle, of this county,
to be aides, with the rank of lieutenant colonel.
It is sad to relate that in spite of his great victory
and the success of the Whig party at this critical moment,
Governor Pollock was seriously handicapped at
the beginning of his administration by the utter demoraltzation
of his first session of the General Assembly.
This is remembered as the one Know Nothing Legislature
and made the session of 1855 memorable as a blot
in the annals of the Commonwealth. There was brought
into the legislative branch of government a political job
lot of senators and representatives whose outside friends
had never dreamed of their success. The very system
of this unique organization in politics invited all the
mean methods of mean men, and the result was that a
motley crowd of shady Democrats and Republicans, including
quite a large number of local preachers, appeared
on the rolls of both branches of the General
Assembly. Both houses were without able and responsible
leadership, although there were a number of very
good men who owed their election to the new political
power. The entire session was simply a series of desperate
scrambles for political and personal advantage.
A fair sample of the unusual situation is in the fact
that General Simon Cameron had made a strong speech
in favor of Governor Bigler in Harrisburg the night before
the election, but before the General Assembly convened
he learned that the Know Nothings would control
both branches, when he turned up as a full-pledged
member of the order and became an aggressive candidate
for United States Senator. The result of this action
was the most disgraceful free-for-all fight for that
high office that has ever been witnessed at EIarrisburg.
In this contest there was dragged in the stringest combination
of candidates ever known in such an election,
and the General Assembly finally adjourned without
electing a United States Senator.
Governor James Pollock
The only legislation of importance that came before
this session was that known as the "jug law," and a bill
for the sale of the main line of the public works. The
harsh conditions of terms in the latter bill made it impossible
for any one to bid at the proposed sale. Like
his predecessors, Governor Pollock believed the time
had long since come for the Commonwealth to retire
from the transportation business. He very strongly urged
the sale of the public works as they had become a
running sore of corruption, including political debauchery
and the systematic plunder of the State Treasury.
In 1854 the Pennsylvania Railroad from Harrisburg
to Pittsburgh, had been completed, thus forming a line
of continuous communication from east to west and
aiding powerfully in development of the natural resources
of Pennsylvania. About this time the North
Branch canal was also completed, although work on
it had been discontinued for more than ten years. The
Governor dwelt on this subject in his inaugural address
at length and urged the sale of the public works.
In 1855 the Pennsylvania Railroad company offered
to purchase the main line from Philadelphia to Pittsburgh
and named $7,500,000 as the purchase price, or
they offered $4,000,000 for the Philadelphia and Columbia
railroad. There was no authority for accepting
this offer. Finally, in May, 1857, the General Assembly
passed a suitable bill and with the Governor's approval
the sale was made for the main line of works. The sum
of $1,500,000 was paid in cash, while interest bearing
bonds were taken for the balance. Soon steps were
taken to dispose of the other public improvements. They
had been a source of expenditure for many years. The
proceeds were devoted to the payment of the public debt
thus reducing State taxes. The Pennsylvania Railroad
company took possession of the Main Line August 1,
1857, when Governor Pollock publicly congratulated the
people on the consummation of the sale. Referring to this
transaction in his address to the Legislature, he said:
"The many approve, the few complain; those most who
have gained an unenviable reputation by reckless disregard
of the public interests as exhibited in, the exirava-
27
28 The Northumberland Countp Hislorical Societp
gant, useless and fraudulent expenditure of the public
money for selfish or partisan purposes. The propriety
of separating the State from the care and control
of the public works is not only evident to all who have
given the subJect a candid and i Mpartial consideration
but the necessity is clearly established by the history of
their construction and management. They have failed
to be a source of revenue to the Commonwealth, and if
retained by the State will require the expenditure in
their repair and management largely exceeding any
revenue that under the most favorable circumstances
can be derived from them."
In the summer of 1857 a financial storm swept over
the country. In the fall of that year the Bank of Pennsylvania,
then the leading bank in the Commonwealth,
closed its doors and a general panic ensued and a suspension
of all the banks in Pennsylvania speedily followed.
Governor Pollock convened the General Assembly
October 6, for the purpose of offering some relief
to the financial situation. Only three weeks remained
before the general October election when a new Legislature
would be elected, but the situation was serious
and the Constitution of 1838 did not specify definitely
the limitation of the terms of the members. So to avoid
this complication the Governor summoned them on short
notice and urged the enactment of a law legalizing the
suspension of the banks for a definite period. This
prompt action was made necessary because many banks
had suspended specie payments and their charters
were liable to forfeiture. This trouble continued until
it had swept over the entire country. The oldest and
most highly esteemed firms went down and thousands
of men and women were thrown out of employment.
The Governor reviewed the trouble in his message
and recommended a system of free banking, based
on undoubted public securities and coin in such proportion
to circulation and deposits as might be deemed sufficient
to secure their conversion into specie on demand
This system haa proved successful in New York. The
Legislature passed the desired bills and responsible
banking finally took the place of irresponsible credit,
Governor James Pollock
after many years filled with sad experiences in finance
in Pennsylvania and other States.
Governor Pollock was a strong advocate of progressive
movements in education. Unlike his immediate
predecessors, he enjoyed the best of educational
advantages and always held a broad and liberal view
on that subject. He devoted much space in his messages
to a defense of the free school system. During
his administration an independent school department
was organized and the State Normal Schools were established.
He was in favor of the county superintendency
plan. The foundations of the present Pennsylvania
State College was laid by the establishment of
a school for farmers, known as the Farmer's
High School. Finally, in 1857, an act was passed
"To provide for the due training of teachers for the
common schools of the State." The Governor signed
this act, May 20, and immediately a normal school was
organized at Millersville, Lancaster county, the first in
the Commonwealth.
Referring to the progress of education in his message
of 1857, the Governor said: "Our educational
system is slowly but surely conquering the prejudices
and gaining the confidence of the people. Under the
fostering care of liberal and enlightened legislation,
its ultimate triumph is certain. When the system was
first introduced it was supposed that it could be perfected
and forced into general and vigorous operation by
the mere will of the Legislature. Experience has proved
that in this, as in every other great social and moral
reform, time and that consent which arises from a radical
change in the public mind were required. This slow process
of the acclamation of the new system to our social
and moral atmosphere has been in operation for nearly
twenty years, and it is now evident that the period for
another effective interposition of legislative aid and authority
in favor of our noble system of public schools has
arrived." Governor Pollock's last message to the General
Assembly, January 6, 1858, was largely a plea for
the further development of the system of public education.
29
30 The Northumberland Countp Historical Societp
He then said: "The organic structure of our system
is as perfect, perhaps, as human legislation can
make it; but it needs the competent and thoroughly
trained teacher to give it greater vitality and efficiency,
and secure the full accomplishment of the purposes of
this creation. The teacher, the properly educated, the
well trained, the scientific teacher, is the great want of
the system. We need the teaching mind, not the automaton
movements of mere physical organization or antiquated
routine, to direct and control the intellectual energies
of the youth of the Commonwealth. We require
mind, educated mind, in our schools, that knowledge
may be communicated, not only effectively and practically,
but that in training the young they may be taught
to think-how- to think-to investigate and know for
themselves, and thus be fitted and prepared for the high
and responsible duties of the man and the citizen.
"This deficiency can only be' supplied by State
Normal Schools for the education of teachers. To them
we must look. The future is full of hope. Much has
already been done to provide for their establishment and
support. In connection with honorable individual effort,
more legislative encouragement may be required. It
should be given cheerfully and promptly. No matter
of greater interest can claim your attention; no one appeals
with more reason and truth, to duty and patriotism.
"Teachers institutes, as auxiliary to Normal Schools,
should be aided by the State. Through their agency,
sustained by the noble and self-denying efforts of the
teachers themselves, much good has been accomplished
in educating and training teachers, and in dignifying a
profession too long undervalued by those most deeply interested
in their useful labors.
"In the great work of popular education, there
should be no retrograde movement in Pennsylvania-no
yielding to the impotent clamor of ignorance, selfishness
or prejudice, in their attempts to stay its progress. These,
one and all, may denounce and condemn, but virtue,
patriotism, truth, bid you onward. Let the system be
maintained in its unity and usefulness; let it be improved
and perfected in its details; but let no act of yours imGovernor
James Pollock
pair its strength, or mar the beauty of harmony of its
proportions.
"Based as our institutions are, on the will of the
people-dependent for preservation on their virtue and
intelligence-knowledge with us should occupy the high
position to which it is so pre-eminently entitled. Knowledge
founded upon the pure principle of eternal truth,
is the crowning glory of the citizen-the safe-guard of
the State. Education, full and free, is the boon we ask
for the children of the Commonwealth-it is the duty,
paramount to all others, the State owes to her citizens.
The aid of the Commonwealth should be liberally bestowed.
The subject, in all its relations, is warmly commended
to the generous care and patronage of the Legislature."
(Pennsylvania Archives, Fourth Series, VII,
947-948.)
Governor Pollock refused the renomination offered
him and retired from the governorship with the respect
of the public regardless of party. When he left Harrisburg,
at the conclusion of his term, both Houses of the
General Assembly by unanimous vote adjourned and
headed by their respective speakers and officers, accompanied
him in a body from his rooms to the depot
and bade him an affectionate farewell. The scene was
significant and impressive.
He resumed the practice of law in his former office
in Milton, but he was destined for a wider and more
important field of activity and usefulness. In his home
life Governor Pollock was a useful citizen and a leader
in all that the term implies.
He was made a director of the original Milton
Savings Bank, of which he was one of the incorporators,
December 29, 1857. When it was chartered, July
7, 1858, he became the firfst president of the board.
This later became the Milton National Bank. He served
as its president until July 2, 1860, when he removed to
Philadelphia. In 1855 he had been elected a trustee of
Lafayette College, and in 1863, when Dr. McPhail resigned
from the presidency of the board, as well as from
the presidency of the college, Governor Pollock was
elected president of the board and was always most
31
32 Thie Northumberland Countp Historical Societp
zealous and active in behalf of the college. When Dr.
William C. Cattell was inaugurated president of the college,
July 26, 1864, Governor Pollock delivered an important
address. On October 21, 1873, at the dedication
of Pardee Hall, he was again most conspicuous as the
president of the board of trustees. He resigned October,
1876, when his duties had changed and his time was
occupied with them. It is also interesting to note that
when the Pennsylvania Military School was established
at Chester, in 1869, Mr. Pollock became the first
president of the board of trustees and served in this
important position to the day of his death.
He was also president of the Board of Managers
Pennsylvania Society to Protect Children from Cruelty.
President of the Board of Managens Pennsylvania Industrial
Home for Blind Women. Trustee of the Board
of Magdelen Society, of Philadelphia. He served for
nineteen years as an elder of the West Arch Street Presbyterian
Church, of Philadelphia.
Politics was destined to be the important factor in
his eventful life. While serving as the Chief Executive
he struggled to keep alive the Whig party organization,
but when the Know Nothings, Whigs and Republicans
met in Harrisburg to make a last struggle for
unity, none exerted a more potent influence for a cordial
agreement than did Governor Pollock. He was not, however,
in any sense a political leader, but he enthulsiastically
advocated what afterwards became the platform
of the New Republican party, holding, that while slavery
could not be constitutionally disturbed in the S'tates
where it then existed, it should not be extended to the
Territories. Upon the formation of the new party it
was but natural he should ally himself with it. He took
active part in the campaign for the Presidency in 1860,
when his personal friend Abraham Lincoln was thie
candidate.
A great mass meeting was held in Milton, when
the Governor presided and made the principal address.
Others who spoke were Major General, afterwards Governor,
John W. Geary, John B. Packer, Franklin Bound
and Colonel A. R. Fiske.
Governor James Pollock3
Governor PolloLk headed hLe list of Presidential
Electors who cast the first Republican votes from Pennsylvania
for President. It is of local interest to note that
Messrs. Taggart, Kirkpatrick, Curtin, Hall and Calvin
who also served as electors for Lincoln, were school
mates of Governor Pollock at the old Milton Academy.
The Governor was always a patriot and most
fearless in defining his sentiments regarding the impending
Civil War. In his anual message to the General
Assembly in 1857, he said: "Pennsylvania tolerates no
sentiment of disunion-she knows not the word. The
Union and the Constitution, the safe guard and the bond
of American freeman who cherish the principles and
honor the memory of the illustrious founders of the Repulblic."
He was selected by the friends of peace and reconciliation
to represent Pennsylvania in the great Peace
Conference which met in Washington in February, 1861.
This delegation consisted of James Pollock, Chairman,
William McKennan, David Wilmot, Thomas White, William
M. Meredith, A. W. Loomis and Thomas E. Franklin.
It was this conference that presented the Crittenden
Compromise measure for the consideration of Congress.
One day after Mr. Lincoln arrived in Washington,
previous to his inauguration, he called his old friend
and room-mate, Jim Pollock, to Washington, to consult
with him upon the grave questions confronting him, and
to ask him about the selection of certain members of his
cabinet. While talking with Mr. Lincoln at the hotel,
the card of Stephen Douglass was sent to Mr. Lincoln.
He and Douglass had not met since the election of, the
former. When the card was presented Mr. Lincoln
turned to Governor Pollock and said: "Douglass has
sent up his card and wants to see me." Mr. Pollock was
in the act of retiring when Mr. Lincoln insisted that he
remain in the room, no doubt feeling that the presence
of his friend might relieve him from embarrassment. In
a few minutes Mr. Douglass entered the room and Mr.
Lincoln advanced to meet him and greeted him cordially.
The visitor was also glad to meet his former colleague,
and the three were soon at ease. After a few minutes
33
34 The Northumberland Countp Historical Soclete
Mr. Douglass said: "Mr. Lincoln, I have come to see you
for the purpose of assuring you of my earneet and hearty
support in the difficult task you have before you."
The cloud of the Civil War was then just beginning
to appear and Mr. Douglass said further that he hoped
the President would call upon him at any and all times,
and assured him that he would always be ready -to aid
in maintaining the integrity of the Union of the States.
Mr. Lincoln was deeply affected, as was Mr. Pollock,
and tears came into the eyes of the President as he said:
"I thank you, Mr. Douglass; God bless you."
Numerous mass meetings were held throughout
Pennsylvania when the war clouds lowered. None was in
greater demand as a speaker than ex-Governor Pollock.
He frequently presided as the chairman, or as the prinhcipal
speaker. One such memorable meeting was held
in Milton, April 19, 1861, a week after the attack on
Fort Sumter, and he presided as chairman. A company of
volunteers was immediately organized, which took the
name of "Pollock Guards," the first such company in
the county. They offered themselves with the first requisition
for troops under the first call of the President,
but were not accepted, as the complement for the county
was filled by organized companies. A second effort to
enlist was made and on May 15, the Pollock Guards departed
from Milton in a canal boat for Camp Curtin, at
Harrisburg. They were again rejected and returned to
Milton. Having so patriotically signified their willingness
to enlist for three years they were called into the
service and assigned to the Reserve Corps, and, June 1,
again went to the State Capitol, where they were mustered
into the United States Army as Company H, Fifth
Reserves. This company was commanded by Captain
John H. McCleery, a nephew of James Pollock. The company
contained on its rolls many of the most distinguished
citizens of Milton and immediate vicinity, and
they served throughout the war. S. Hepburn Pollock,
son of the former Governor, was a volunteer officer and
laid down his life on the altar of his country. The
local camp of Sons of Union Veterans of the Civil War
bear his name.
Governor James Pollock
On May 1, 1861, President Lincoln appointed ex-
Governor Pollock to be Director of the United States
Mint, and he removed to Philadelphia.
It was during this service that the motto "In God
We Trust," was placed upon the coins of the United
States. This simple but expressive device carries us back
to "the time that tried mens' souls." It was suggestive of
the terrible strain which the country was undergoing
at that time. The war was nearing an end, but the name
of James Pollock, who, as Director of the Mint, appealed
to the loyalty of the people through the nation's
coinage, will remain.
There have been numerous stories of how this legend,
or motto, was originally placed upon the coins, in
some of which the name of James Pollock is not even
mentioned. It is well that we can have the question
settled beyond the semblance of a doubt, and by Mr. Pollock
himself. Albert Williams, of West Orange, N. J.,
who, I believe, was an official of the mint, under Director
Pollock, tells the first part of the story: "Some time
since, in San Francisco, a friend called on me to inquire
if I could tell him who caused the motto 'In God We
Trust' to be placed upon the coins of the United States.
He told me he had put the question to many and they
had answered they did not know. One said it was Hon.
IS. P. Chase. 'No', I replied, 'not Mr. Chase, but my
esteemed friend, ex-Governor James Pollock, of Pennisylvania.'
But, for confirmation, I promised to write
to Governor Pollock. I did so, and, herewith, now that
the dear good man has recently passed away to the
better country, in memory of one of many proofs of his
Christian patriotism, I send to the New York Observer
so much of the answer as relates to the interesting
question."
Philadelphia, Pa.
"I answer to your inquiries about the motto 'In God
We Trust' permit me to say that I was appointed Director
of the United States Mint in 1861, by President
Lincoln; the Hon. S. P. Chase was Secty. of the Treasury.
Early in the year 1864, believing that the recognition
of our Nation's God on our national coins was a
35
36 The Northumberland Counts Historical Societp
national as well as personal religious duty-particularly
as we were then ithe rdst of a fearbul war and struggle
for our nation's unity and life, I corresponded with
the Secretary, Mr. Chase, and urged the propriety of
placing upon the coins of the United States the motto
'In God We Trust,' or 'God Our Trust.' After some
correspondence, Mr. Chase approved my suggestions,
and in 1864 or early in 1865, I prepared a bill to be
submitted to Congress authorizing the motto 'In God We
Trust' (approved by Secretary Chase) to be placed upon
all coins of the United States (gold and silver) large
enough to contain the motto. The bill passed both House
and Senate unanimously. In 1865, before the final passage
of the bill, specimen coins with the motto were
struck and placed in the cabinet of the United States
Mint, and some were sent to the Secretary. In 1866
the regular coinage of gold and silver coin with the
motto was commenced, and has continued ever since,
on all the coins large enough to contain the motto,
except the nickle five cent piece, from which it was omitted
by my successor, after my retirement from that
office, why, I cannot answer. James Pollock."
Director Pollock was asked to resign when Andrew
'Johnson succeeded to the Presidency and he did so,
October 1, 1866, when he resumed the practice of the
law in Philadelphia. On April 20, 1869, President Grart
appointed Mr. Pollock to his former position, when he
again entered upon the duties of director. A reorganization
of the personnel of the mint was made in 1873,
when Mr. Pollock was elevated to the position of Superintendent
and Dr. Linderman was made Director. Mr.
Pollock remained in this responsible position until 1879,
when he resigned, and in the same year was appointed
Naval Officer at Philadelphia, in which he continued
for four years. His last official position was that of Federal
Chief Supervisor of Elections, to which he was appointed
in 1886.
Mr. Pollock thus served as the tenth director and
the first superintendent of the United States Mint. A
portrait painted by Winner, is an excellent likeness of
Mr. Pollock, and it hangs in the Mint at Philadelphia.
Govemor James Pollock
A copper bronze medal, size 50, has been struck by the
In this connection it should be noted that Albert
Newsam, the celebrated artist, painted a half-length,
front face portrait of the Governor, before he completed
his term. This is the one which hangs in the executive
Department of the Capitol at Harrisburg.
Mr. Pollock did not again return to the practice of
the law. McClure says: "As a lawyer, he was not up to
date, and enjoyed only moderate success." It is said of
him that he was extremely Puritancal in his attitude
towards cards and liquor. He was a firm believer in the
,ancient code of "an eye for an eye, etc.," and for this
reason he did not mind signing a death warrant, when
serving as the Chief Executive.
Governor Pollock continued to reside in Philadelphia
until his health so weakened him that he sought comfort
in the home of his daughter, Mrs. H. T. Harvey, of
Lock Haven. This was but a short time before his death,
which occurred April 19, 1890, in the 80th year of his
age. All his children were at his bedside, and his passing
was not unexpected.
The editorial notices of his death expressed the
love and esteem in which he was held throughout the
Commonwealth. The opening paragraph of the editorial
in the Philadelphia Times, a Democratic paper, of April
20, 1890, was: "James Pollock had so gradually passed
from prominent public trust into the evening shadows
of an honored life that he had long ceased to be a prominent
actor among active men; but his death, that
occurred on Saturday evening at Lock Haven, will be
none the less sincerely and widely lamented. He was
one of the purest and best of our public men for a full
half century, and in his early vigor he was one of the
most progressive of his age." The concluding paragraph
of the lengthy editorial was: "Ex-Governor Pollock was
a most sincere and earnest Christian philanthropist, and
his best efforts for mankind are less noted because his
political prominence overshadowed them. He has left
a most lustrous record of conscientious usefulness in
public and private life, and the world is certainly better
57
38 The Northumberland Countp Historical Society
because James Pollock lived, labored and died in it."
The Public Ledger said in the opening paragraph:
"Forty-five years ago, James Pollock. who has iJut died
at TL0oek Haven, Pennsylvania, was a member of Congress
from this State, and thirty-five years ago he was
elected Governor of the Commonwealth. These dates
indicate that he was a man of large influence and renown
more than a generation ago. His death revives
the memory of historic times, which were serious times.
His election as Governor was coincident with the rise of
the Republican party."
The Harrisburg Telegraph said much, several
excerpts are: "Ex-Governor Pollock has always been
noted for the interest he has taken in religious matters,
and particularly those tending towards the advancement
and elevation of the morals of young men. *****
The ex-Governor never wearied in the good work, and
his influence among the young people especially was as
extensive as it was effective and noble. His lectures to
young men always attracted many listeners, and were
justly considered to be literary and religious gems, that
sparkled with truth, sturdy morality, and wholesome
advice."
The Presbyterian said: "He was a man who served
his generation with honor and fidelity. As a citizen he
was upright and useful. As a Christian he was humble,
active and zealous. His political reputation was noted
for his integrity and trustworthiness. The Church honors
him for his consistent life, for his fidelity to her
principles, and for his manly stand for right and truth,
and for his activity in good works. He was a recognized
force in our body. He was kind and generous in dis-
:position and a man without ostentation. He has left a
commendable record behind him, and Church and State
lament his departure."
Every business place in Lock Haven was closed
during the brief funeral service, and as the procession
moved to the depot all the bells of the city tolled and
every mark of respect was shown the memory of the
distinguished dead. Numerous relatives, friends and
officials accompanied the remains from Lock Haven to
Milton, where interment was to be made.
Governor James Pollock
All business was suspended in Milton, many business
places and private homes were draped in mourning;
flags fluttered at half mast; and hundreds of acquaintances
and strangers gather to attend the funeral.
Delegations from Washington, Philadelphia, Harrisburg,
Sunbury and other places, among whom were
distinguished public officials, led by Governor James
A. Beaver, were in attendance.
The body lay in state in the First Presbyterian
Church for an hour. Floral tributes were sent from officials
of the Nation and the Commonwealth, and from
religious and educational institutions, and hundreds of
relatives and friends. The services were conducted by
Rev. Dr. Hemphill, of Philadelphia, who delivered the
'euology. He was assisted by Rev. Mr. Nesbitt, of Lock
Haven, and Rev. W. P. Breed, of Milton.
Colonel C. E. Hyatt, Captain G. D. Howell, Cadets
Hoffman, King, Jones and Shoemaker, all in full uniform
of the Pennsylvania Military Academy, of Chester,
of which the deceased was the president of the board
of trustees from its institution more than twenty-eight
years, acted a guard of honor in the church and on the
march to the cemetery. The pall bearers were Hon.
William C. Lawson, General Jesse Merrill, Colonel Joseph
D. Potts, Captain William P. McCleery, Dr. James
P. McCleery and Dr. Charles H. Dougal.
Noted among the hundreds in attendance were:
Governor Beaver, W. H. Shoemaker, of Philadelphia;
Hon. R. P. Allen, Editor Zellers, and Judge Metzger, of
Williamsport; Captain John Bowman and E. W. Green,
of Muncy; Hon. Joshua Comly, of Danville; Captain J.
M. Linn, Judge J. C. Bucher, Hon. John Walls and Wm.
Johns of Lewisburg; Hon. John B. Packer, Judge W. M.
Rockafeller, of Sunbury; Hon. John B. Linn, Bellefonte;
Hon. Franklin Bound, Hon. Thomas Swenk and Col.
John McCleery, of Milton.
Interment was made in the Milton Cemetery, where
a modest monument marks the final resting place of
James Pollock, scholar, jurist statesman, man of high
and noble ideals and splendid character, Governor of
Pennsylvania, Milton's most distinguished native son.
public men to accept the idea of the great destiny of the
Western United States, after the extension of our territory
to the Pacific by Mexican annexation. On June 23,
1848, only one year after the acquisition of California,
Mr. Pollock offered a resolution for the appointment of
a special committee to inquire into the necessity and
practicability of constructing a railroad to the Pacific
coast. As chairman of that committee he made a report
to the House of Representatives in favor of the construction
of such a road. This report may be found in
the third volume of the House Journal for the first session
of the 30th Congress. This was the very first favorable
official act on this subject on the part of the
Congress of the United States. The report discussed the
question in its international and domestic aspects, its
feasibility and probable results. The opening paragraph
is in these words: "The proposition at first view is a
startling one. The magnitude of the work itself, and the
still greater and more magnificent results promised by
its accomplishment-that of revolutionizing morally
and commercially, if not politically, a greater part of
the habitable globe and making the vast commerce of
the world tributary to us-almost overwhelm the mind.
But your committee, on examination, find it a subject
as simple as it is vast and magnificent, and see no insurmountable
difficulties in the way of its successful
accomplishment." Congressman Pollock and his few
colleagues on the committee were in advance of their
time. They failed, of course, but the report, which asserted
the feasibility of the enterprise and predicted its
success, soon became history.
A bill accompained the report and was referred to
the Committee of the Whole, but no further action was
taken at that time, and Mr. Pollock soon after left Congress.
In the fall of that year, however, he delivered a
lecture on "The Pacific Railroad," by invitation, to a
crowded house in the Academy of Music at Lewisburg.
He was heard with rapt attention, and he closed his
is
14 The Northumberland Countp Histodcal Societp
memorable and eloquent address with the following
remark: "At the risk of being considered insane, I will
venture the prediction that in less than twenty-five
years from this evening a railroad will be completed and
in operation between New York and San Francisco,
California; and that a line of steamboats will be established
between San Francisco, Japan and China; and
that there are now in my audience ladies who will, before
the expiration of the period named, drink tea
brought from China and Japan by this route to their
own doors!" This prophetic announcement was received
by the audience with smiles of good natured incredulity;
but some of those very ladies, during the year 1869,
only twenty-one years later, were able to sip their favorite
beverage in exact accordance with the terms of
the speaker's prediction! On May 10, 1869, the last
rail was laid, the last spike was driven and the great
Pacific Railway, so long in embryo, became an accomplished
fact.
Other subjects of special interest during his Congressional
term of service were the annexation of Texas,
the Mexican War, the acquisition of California, the
repeal of the Tariff Act of 1842, and the "Wilmot Proviso"
in its application to the newly acquired Territories
of the United States. In the discussions on these exciting
topics Mr. Pollock took an active and leading
part. His speeches and votes demonstrate the consistency
of his views and the breadth and soundness of his
understanding. He and David Wilmot were most intimate
friends and remained so throughout life. Mr. Pollock
was one of the younger members of the House
when he entered Congress, but during his nearly six
years of service he had exhibited not only great efficiency
as a national legislator, but he was in advance of
most of his older associates in heartily sustaining all
progressive movements.
An incident which influenced the remainder of his
life occurred during this service in Congress. Abraham
Lincoln was first elected to Congress in August, 1846,
but did not take his seat until the 30th Congress, December,
1847. In Washington Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Pollock
Governor James Pollock
were not only the most intimate friends but shared the
same room and bed. The friendship which was then
formed lasted until the great President fell a victim of
the assassin's bullet. They ate at the same mess, which
was conducted by Mrs. Spriggs, in Duff Green's Row, on
Capitol Hill. There were nine friends in this congenial
atmosphere, and five of the nine were Pennsylvanians:
James Pollock, of the 13th, John Blanchard, of the 17th,
John Dickey, of the 20th, Abraham R. McIlvaine, of the
7th and John Strohm, of the 8th District. This association
had much to do, in subsequent political events,
with the election of Lincoln as President, in 1860. It
also had much to do with the future life of James
Pollock.
When his service in Congress drew to a close Mr.
Pollock was placed in a position where his training and
ambitious peculiarly fitted him. Judge Joseph B. Anthony
died January 10, 1851, and James Pollock was
appointed President Judge of the Eighth Judicial District,
then composed of the counties of Northumberland,
Montour, Columbia, Sullivan and Lycoming. In assuming
this position, January 16, Judge Pollock succeeded
Judge Anthony, his early schoolmaster. He served only
until the following January, however, as the new Constitution
was then in effect and its provisions required
the election of judges by the people. Judge Pollock declined
the nomination offered him, when he was succeeded
by Alexander Jordan, another Milton attorney
of great worth. Thus Judges Anthony, Pollock and Jordan,
whose terms were successive, were all Milton attornies,
and the only Miltonians who have ever presided
over the several courts of Northumberland county. While
the incumbency of Judge Pollock was the shortest in
the history of the county, it was long enough to secure
for his abilities in this position an ample recognition.
Such was the record of the able Miltonian, and it is
little wonder it attracted the attention of those in the
leadership of the Whig Party at Pennsylvania when the
election for governor approached in 1854. Mr. Pollock
was now well and favorably known. To his friends and
fellow citizens he was a man of rare culture and ability;
is
16 The Northumberland Countp Historical SocietD
of fine address; handsome; possessed of a commanding
physique, somewhat above the average in height. He
had dark eyes and hair, smooth shaven face, and a
countenance expressive of intelligence and benignity.
His manners were delightful; he was an eloquent speaker,
graceful, persuasive and convincing, and possessed
remarkable tact in gaining the sympathy and approval
of his hearers. Strong conscientiousness was a prominent
element in his character, and, while his official
acts were at times subjected to violent criticism, the
honesty of his intentions was conceded by his most determined
opponents.
The gubernatorial contest of 1854 presented the
most unique and conspicious results to be found in the
entire history of Pennsylvania politics. It was the last
battle made by the Whig party as a recognized factor,
and, while it was thus in its dying throes, the Democratic
party was greatly disintegrated and sowed the
seeds which made it practically a minority party for
more than a generation.
Thus, it elected James Buchanan, of Lancaster, in
1856, President, but he was largely a minority victor,
but it is true that for a quarter of a century thereafter
the party was defeated in every National contest.
The repeal of the Missouri compromise, in 1854, by
the Democratic House of Representatives, Senate and
President, aroused the anti-slavery sentiment that so
largely pervaded the Democratic ranks in every section
of Pennsylvania, and brought out the first murmurs of
revolt, and the sudden organization of the Native
American, or "Know Nothing" party, with the Whig
organization practically on the verge of breaking up.
Thus there was found a wide field with loose aggregations
of both Whigs and Democrats, and these elements
were adroitly combined against Governor William Bigler
in favor of James Pollock who succeeded him.
Tn the history of free government, such as is ours,
there must be many political blunders committed in *he
heat of great party struggles, or to promote individual
ambition, such as we have experienced to our sorrow
and misfortune in recent years, both in this Common*
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Governor James-Pollock
wealth and in the Nation. But the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise stands out single and alone as the most
monstrous and fatal of all political blunders by the party
entrenched in power.
The question of human slavery extension had been
a very vital one. The North was developing and extending
westward with great rapidity, giving positive
assurace of new free States at an early day, while the
South had nothing in prospect to maintain what it
called the "equilibrium" between the two sections. ID
addition to this necessity of political power, the old
slave States were largely interested in slave markets, as
their exhausted lands made slave growing more profitable
than the simple cultivation of their plantations.
It was deliberately decided that the battle should
be made to control the population of the two new Territories
of Kansas and Nebraska by southern votes from
Missouri, which would give them slave constitutions.
But the Missouri Compromise stood in the way, when
it was repealed, and from that moment dated not only
the decline of the Democratic party, but it sowed the
dragon's teeth that made the unavoidance of the Civil
War impossible in 1861.
The Native American, or Know Nothing, organization,
which became such an important political power,
was the culmination of various spasmodic native American
organizations beginning in New York as early as
1835, and extending to Philadelphia and Boston. The
original Native American organization of New York was
directed wholly against foreigners, particularly the Irish,
who held many positions on the police force and in other
city departments. It came into its greatest power in
1844, when it controlled the entire city government of
New York.
Native Americans, in 1844, carried the fall elections
in Philadelphia, with the material aid of the Whigs,
and remained an important element in both city and
State politics in Pennsylvania for a number of years.
Opposition to the Roman Catholics was not, before
that time, an avowed article of the Native American
faith, but by 1844, they had become so powerful as to
17
18 The Northumberland Countp Historical Society
disgrace the city of Philadelphia by what is sorrowfully
remembered as the Native American riots, in which a
number of lives . were lost and several Cat-holie churches
and institutions were destroyed by fire. These riots led
to the incorporation of the anti-Catholic plank into the
Native American faith, and from that moment until
the order entirely disappeared from politics the
opposition to Catholicism was even more a vital issue
than their original opposition to foreigners.
The Native American party was an open political
organization, but when its power was visibly waning
in both Philadelphia and New York a new secret party
was organized out of the remains of the old Native
American. The name of the new party was "The Sons
of '76, or the Order of the Star Spangled Banner." The
name, however, was not made known to the members
until they were admitted to its higher degrees, and all
initiates were instructed that if asked about the organization
they should answer that they knew nothing about
it. This gave rise to the title of "Know Nothings," by
which the organization was popularly known throughout
the period of its existence. They wore no badges, displayed
no banners, and their meetings were always held
in the utmost privacy, and called by a signal understood
only by the initiated.
Chief Justice Jeremiah S. Black well described the
Know Nothing party when he, startled at the exhibition
of their power and appalled at the wrecks they had
wrought on both sides of the old party lines, gave vent
to the truly prophetic observation: "They're like the
bee, biggest when it's born; it will perish as quickly as
it rose to power."
The Know Nothing organization did rapidly decline
in strength, principally because its secret methods gave
despotic power to its leaders. Having absorbed the
Whig party it struggled along for a few years, when
it and the remnant of the Whigs were themselves absorbed
in the Republican party, whose timely birth gave
refuge to the hopeless old organization. By 1856 the
Know Nothing party had practically disappeared as a
political factor. Thus its achievemea were confined
Governor James Pollock
to a single year, 1854, when it controlled Pennsylvania
and Massachusetts. It was also in this year Robert T.
forIrLd, tne Whig candidate for mayor of Philadelphia,
was supported by the Know Nothings and he defeated
Richard Vaux by more than 8000 votes.
Had the contest for Governor in 1854 been fought
out squarely between the Whig and Democratic parties
there is little doubt that the Whig ticket would have
been elected, because of the Democratic revolt against
the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. But the Know
Nothing organization, with its severely secret appliances,
gradually attracted quite two-thirds of the Whigs of
Pennsylvania and also a very large proportion of the
Democrats.
The Whigs and Democrats held their regular State
conventions early in the year, 1854, as was common
practice in those days. Governor Bigler was renominated,
not only with entire unanimity but with unusual
enthusiasm by his supporters. There was no sign of
Democratic disintegration, or the advent of the new
political factor at this moment. In the Whig convention,
which met at Harrisburg March 15, James Pollock
appeared as the logical candidate. He had, as we have
learned, exhibited unusual personal and political
strength in carrying three successive elections against
a picked opponent in the strong Democratic Congressional
District. The nomination of Judge Pollock was affected
without a serious contest. The name of Andrew
G. Curtin, of Bellefonte, was presented to the convention
but, as Col. A. K. McClure, in his "Old Time Notes"
says: "It was not done with any hope of winning the
nomination for him, but Curtin was the favorite of a
large element of the younger Whigs in the interior of
the State and they simply put him in training for the
great battles which he fought later in life."
McClure said of Pollock at this time: "He was
not a man of more forceful intellect than Governor Bigler,
but quite as logical and rather more fervent and
ornate in public discussion. Thus the two candidates
for governor were both men who had been tried in the
public service, both of unblemished reputation, and
'19
20 The Northumberland Counip Historical SocIete
both prepared to bring high qualities of statesmanship
and ripe experience to the service of the State."
Pollock as the nominee indicated that Andrew G.
Curtin was the man to take charge of his campaign.
Curtin was promptly made chairman of the Whig State
Committee, when he immediately entered upon his
duties and with all the ardor that he exhibited in his
later public efforts.
During the spirited campaign Mr. Pollock was
subjected to numerous demands that he express his position
on important questions which were then of great
interest. Two months after his nomination four important
communicationm in reference to the proposed
prohibitory law were addressed to him, and he replied
in an open letter as follows: "I say the constitutionality
of a prohibitory law similar, in its essential features
to the one referred to in your interrogatories, having received
a judicial determination by the highest courts
of several of our sister States, and the principle having
been recognized by the Supreme Courts of the United
States, I am relieved from the responsibility of a decision.
The courts having affirmed the constitutionality of a
prohibitory law, and being of the highest authority, I
believe, upon principles and authority, such a law to
be constitutional; and its constitutionality in my opinion
would not be affected by a submission of its repeal to
a vote of the people.
"Every measure of moral and political reform,
sanctioned by the representatives of the people, within
the limits of the Constitution, would receive my official
sanction. The expediency and propriety of such laws
are for the people through their representatives, and
their will, constitutionally declared, should be respected
by the Executive. If the people demand and their
Representatives enact such a law, their will should not
,be resisted by the exercise of the veto power, a power
purely conservative, and only to be exercised in cases
clearly unconstitutional, or exhibiting evidence of hasty,
injurious, and imperfect legislation. Such being my
views of official duty in the premises, should the Legislature-
the constitutional exponent of popular willGovemor
James Pollock
enact such a law, it would in the event of my election
receive the Executive sanction."
About this same time Chairman Curtin was confronted
with the startling information that there was a
secret organization in Pennsylvania that embraced a
majority of the Whig voters, as well as numerous Democrats.
It was when the Whig candidate for mayor of
Philadelphia was swept into office by the votes of the
Know NQthing party. This result seemed sufficient to
confirm the reports of the strength of that secret organization.
McClure, writing further about this campaign,
says: "I happened to be in a position to know the
inner movements of that contest, and, while there have
been some political struggles in Pennsylvania which
were regarded als exceptionally peculiar in their developments
and results I confess that I never saw political
high jinks played to the limit as it was by the Know
Nothings in 1854."
Three men of low cunning availed themselves of
the peculiar facilities offered by the secret organization,
assumed autocratic leadership and managed to obtain
possession of the machinery of the Know Nothing organization.
There was no public assemblies where the
movements of the party could be discussed, and those
who controlled the State Council had it in their power
to declare for or against any candidate. The several
lodges voted in secret, neither one ever knowing what
another did, while the returns were sent to the State
Council to be computed and declared.
These leaders were brutally frank in their demand
and threatened to defeat the Whig candidate for Governor
if Curtin would not solemnly pledge them three
of the most lucrative offices within the gift of the Governor.
They even warned Curtin that it made no difference
how the Know Nothing lodges voted, they could
and would declare the nomination in favor of or against
Pollock, depending on Curtin's agreement to their proposition.
Curtin was inclined to reject their demands and
expose their infamy, but he feared it would cost the
success of his candidate. He deliberated, long and held
21
22 The Northumberland Countp Historical Socletp
several conferences with the three leaders, who always
appeared together, when finally, without consulting with
Pollock, he acceeded to their demands to the extent of
agreeing that he would recommend the appointments
they demanded, but could not give an unqualified
pledge as to the action of the Governor.
Mr. Pollock was not a member of the Know Nothing
organization, nor was he at any time aware of the deal
being made. It is also to be understood that Curtin
insisted that Pollock should not be advised of it during
the contest. Curtin was safe in taking the position he
did, for the leaders could not have approached the
Democrats with a like proposition, as none of the three
leaders held any position with that party.
The State Council, true to the agreement, announced
the nominees of the Know Nothing party: Pollock,
Whig, for governor; Henry S. Mott, Democrat, for Canal
Commissioner; and Thomas Baird, Know Nothing, for
Supreme Court. Mott was a dyed-in-the-wool Democrat,
and like Pollock, had no knowledge of the endorsement,
nor did he belong to the organization, but, on the contrary,
strongly denounced it.
The alleged nomination of Pollock and Mott by the
Know Nothings was a deliberate fraud upon the adherents
of that party. Their names were submitted to the
various lodges as members of the order. It mattered
little whether the lodges voted for or against Pollock
and Mott, there was no power to revise the returns when
announced by the State Council. The ticket was accepted
without a question, and the election of Pollock and
Mott absolutely assured.
Even Curtin, who was in such close contact with
the three leaders, had no conception of the real strength
of the Know Nothing organization, and never for a
single moment dreamed of the political revolution that
it was about to work out. When the returns came in
they dumbfounded all political calculations. Pollock, on
the Whig ticket, defeated Governor Bigler for re-election,
by nearly 40,000 votes; Mott, Democrat, had in
excess of 190,000 majority; but Jeremiah S. Black,
Democrat, was elected to the Supreme Court over his
Govemor James Pollock
Know Nothing and Whig opponents, as in this case
each party supported its own candidate.
Governor Bigler, in defeat, believed his public career
ended for it seemed the Democratic organization
was hopelessly broken, but one year later he was elected
to the United States Senate practically without contest.
The election was held October 10 and the victory
made James Pollock's name famous throughout the
United States, for his defeat of the Democratic party of
Pennsylvania gave the combined opposition, Whigs, Free
Soilers, Know Nothings and Republicans, high hopes of
carrying the State at the Presidential election of 1856.
An interesting event of a civic nature occurred between
the time of the election and inauguration. It occurred
in Milton, December 18, 1854, and it proved a gala day
for that community. It was the opening of the WI1-
liamsport and Erie Railroad and for years the celebration
was retarded as a joyful epoch in the history of the
West Branch Valley. A magnificent train carried the
member s of the City Council of Philadelphia and many
other distinguished citizens into Milton, where they were
greeted' with the ringing of bells, blowing of whistles
and martial music. A large delegation from Williamsport
was already on hand to assist the Miltonians in the
welcone to the Philadelphians. The newspaper accounts
of the day say that the excellent repast served the guests
was furnished by Williamsport. Governor-elect Pollock
graced/the occasion with his presence and delivered the
principal address. Senator Thomas Cooper also spoke.
Tie guests from Philadelphia presented the Governor-
elect with a cane which they said was the relic liberty, of made of time-honored material, wrought from
the remains of Independence Hall and prepared by the
Govejnor's friends.
Sr. Pollock was much moved by this unexpected
mark of their esteem, and received the appreciated and
historic gift in a short responsive address which glowed
with eloquence and undying devotion to American patriolsm.
{The inauguration of Governor Pollock took place
Janiary 16, 1855, and for many years afterwards was
23
24 The Northumberland Countp Historical Socetp
referred to as the most elaborate and successful ceremony
of the kind ever witnessed in the Commonwealth
The ceremony was impressive, the immense parade most
imposing, and the address of the Governor was a scholarly
statement of his high ideals, just what was expected
of Judge Pollock, and it had the ring of true metal.
Throughout his entire term of office, the subject of
the Missouri Compromise and the introduction of slaves
into the territories was warmly agitated, and it became
the duty of the Chief Magistrate of one of the most
important States in the Union to speak for the millions
of people whom he represented. That duty he performed
in a manner that admitted of no equivocal
interpretation. In his Inaugural Address he said "Pennsylvania,
occupying as she does an important an1 proud
position in the sisterhood of States, cannot be in ifferent
to the policy and acts of the national governm nt. Her
voice, potential for good in other days, ought n t to be
disregarded now. Devoted to the Constitution nd the
Union as she was the first to sanction, she will be the
last to endanger the one or violate the other. Regarding
with jealous care the rights of her sister States, he will
be ever ready to defend her own.
"To the Constitution in all its integrity, to the
Union in its strength and harmony, to the maint nance
in its purity, of the faith and honor of our c untry,
Pennsylvania now is and always has been pledged, a
pledge never violated, and not to be violated, ugtil patriotism
ceases to be a virtue, and liberty to be known
only as a name With no desire to restrain the
full and entire Constitutional rights of the S'tate, nor
to interfere directly or indirectly with their doenstic
institutions, the people' of Pennsylvania, in view Af the
repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the princip e involved
in it, and the consequences resulting from it, as
marked already by fraud, violence, and strife, hate reaffirmed
their opposition to the extension of slavery nto
the territory now free, and renewed their pledge 'to the
doctrines of the Act of 1780, which relieved us, by onstitutional
means, from a gievious social evil; to the
great ordinance of 1787, in its full scope, and all| its
Govemor James Pollock
beneficial principles; to the protection of the personal
rights of every human being under the Constitution of
Pennsylvania and the Constitution of the United States,
by maintaining inviolate the trial by jury, and the writ
of habeas corpus; to the assertion of the due rights of
the North, as well as of the South, and to the integrity
of the Union. 'The declaration of these doctrines is but
the recognition of the fundamental principles of freedom
and human rights. They are neither new nor startling
They were taught by patriotic fathers at the watch-fires
of our country's defenders, and learned amid the bloody
snows of Valley Forge and the mighty throes of war
and revolution. They were stamped with indelible impress
upon the great charter of our rights, and embodied
in the legislation of the best and purest days of the
Republic; have filled the hearts and fell burning from
the lips of orators and statesmen, whose memories are
immortal as the principles they cherished. They have
been the watchword and the hope of millions who have
gone before us, and the watchword and hope of millions
now, and will be of millions yet unborn."
Pollock's election and inauguration, of course,
,brought out the usual multitude of applicants for important
places, and the three Know Nothing leaders
decided that they would accept the positions of flour
iuspector, leather inspector and bark inspector. Curtin
was promptly named as Secretary of the Commonwealth,
when the three Know Nothing leaders assumed
they would have easy sailing in gaining their lucrative
positions. Curtin literally fulfilled his pledge to them,
saying to the Governor that he had given his promise
to urge these appointments, but that he had not pledged
the Governor to accept them. He also frankly told
the Governor all that had transpired and left the Governor
to solve the problem in his own way.
The Governor was at first inclined to appoint none of
them, but afterwards reconsidered and gave one of them
a minor inspectorship in Philadelphia. These disgruntled
men had no way of visiting vengence upon anyone
and they were not so powerful in State politics as in the
control of the State Council. As their party went prac-
25
26 The Northumberland Countp Historical Socletp
tically to pieces within a year their names were never
even locally prominent.
It is of local interest to note that the Governor appointed
Thomas Swenk, William Heinen, W. H. Frymire,
William C. Lawson and R. Bogle, of this county,
to be aides, with the rank of lieutenant colonel.
It is sad to relate that in spite of his great victory
and the success of the Whig party at this critical moment,
Governor Pollock was seriously handicapped at
the beginning of his administration by the utter demoraltzation
of his first session of the General Assembly.
This is remembered as the one Know Nothing Legislature
and made the session of 1855 memorable as a blot
in the annals of the Commonwealth. There was brought
into the legislative branch of government a political job
lot of senators and representatives whose outside friends
had never dreamed of their success. The very system
of this unique organization in politics invited all the
mean methods of mean men, and the result was that a
motley crowd of shady Democrats and Republicans, including
quite a large number of local preachers, appeared
on the rolls of both branches of the General
Assembly. Both houses were without able and responsible
leadership, although there were a number of very
good men who owed their election to the new political
power. The entire session was simply a series of desperate
scrambles for political and personal advantage.
A fair sample of the unusual situation is in the fact
that General Simon Cameron had made a strong speech
in favor of Governor Bigler in Harrisburg the night before
the election, but before the General Assembly convened
he learned that the Know Nothings would control
both branches, when he turned up as a full-pledged
member of the order and became an aggressive candidate
for United States Senator. The result of this action
was the most disgraceful free-for-all fight for that
high office that has ever been witnessed at EIarrisburg.
In this contest there was dragged in the stringest combination
of candidates ever known in such an election,
and the General Assembly finally adjourned without
electing a United States Senator.
Governor James Pollock
The only legislation of importance that came before
this session was that known as the "jug law," and a bill
for the sale of the main line of the public works. The
harsh conditions of terms in the latter bill made it impossible
for any one to bid at the proposed sale. Like
his predecessors, Governor Pollock believed the time
had long since come for the Commonwealth to retire
from the transportation business. He very strongly urged
the sale of the public works as they had become a
running sore of corruption, including political debauchery
and the systematic plunder of the State Treasury.
In 1854 the Pennsylvania Railroad from Harrisburg
to Pittsburgh, had been completed, thus forming a line
of continuous communication from east to west and
aiding powerfully in development of the natural resources
of Pennsylvania. About this time the North
Branch canal was also completed, although work on
it had been discontinued for more than ten years. The
Governor dwelt on this subject in his inaugural address
at length and urged the sale of the public works.
In 1855 the Pennsylvania Railroad company offered
to purchase the main line from Philadelphia to Pittsburgh
and named $7,500,000 as the purchase price, or
they offered $4,000,000 for the Philadelphia and Columbia
railroad. There was no authority for accepting
this offer. Finally, in May, 1857, the General Assembly
passed a suitable bill and with the Governor's approval
the sale was made for the main line of works. The sum
of $1,500,000 was paid in cash, while interest bearing
bonds were taken for the balance. Soon steps were
taken to dispose of the other public improvements. They
had been a source of expenditure for many years. The
proceeds were devoted to the payment of the public debt
thus reducing State taxes. The Pennsylvania Railroad
company took possession of the Main Line August 1,
1857, when Governor Pollock publicly congratulated the
people on the consummation of the sale. Referring to this
transaction in his address to the Legislature, he said:
"The many approve, the few complain; those most who
have gained an unenviable reputation by reckless disregard
of the public interests as exhibited in, the exirava-
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28 The Northumberland Countp Hislorical Societp
gant, useless and fraudulent expenditure of the public
money for selfish or partisan purposes. The propriety
of separating the State from the care and control
of the public works is not only evident to all who have
given the subJect a candid and i Mpartial consideration
but the necessity is clearly established by the history of
their construction and management. They have failed
to be a source of revenue to the Commonwealth, and if
retained by the State will require the expenditure in
their repair and management largely exceeding any
revenue that under the most favorable circumstances
can be derived from them."
In the summer of 1857 a financial storm swept over
the country. In the fall of that year the Bank of Pennsylvania,
then the leading bank in the Commonwealth,
closed its doors and a general panic ensued and a suspension
of all the banks in Pennsylvania speedily followed.
Governor Pollock convened the General Assembly
October 6, for the purpose of offering some relief
to the financial situation. Only three weeks remained
before the general October election when a new Legislature
would be elected, but the situation was serious
and the Constitution of 1838 did not specify definitely
the limitation of the terms of the members. So to avoid
this complication the Governor summoned them on short
notice and urged the enactment of a law legalizing the
suspension of the banks for a definite period. This
prompt action was made necessary because many banks
had suspended specie payments and their charters
were liable to forfeiture. This trouble continued until
it had swept over the entire country. The oldest and
most highly esteemed firms went down and thousands
of men and women were thrown out of employment.
The Governor reviewed the trouble in his message
and recommended a system of free banking, based
on undoubted public securities and coin in such proportion
to circulation and deposits as might be deemed sufficient
to secure their conversion into specie on demand
This system haa proved successful in New York. The
Legislature passed the desired bills and responsible
banking finally took the place of irresponsible credit,
Governor James Pollock
after many years filled with sad experiences in finance
in Pennsylvania and other States.
Governor Pollock was a strong advocate of progressive
movements in education. Unlike his immediate
predecessors, he enjoyed the best of educational
advantages and always held a broad and liberal view
on that subject. He devoted much space in his messages
to a defense of the free school system. During
his administration an independent school department
was organized and the State Normal Schools were established.
He was in favor of the county superintendency
plan. The foundations of the present Pennsylvania
State College was laid by the establishment of
a school for farmers, known as the Farmer's
High School. Finally, in 1857, an act was passed
"To provide for the due training of teachers for the
common schools of the State." The Governor signed
this act, May 20, and immediately a normal school was
organized at Millersville, Lancaster county, the first in
the Commonwealth.
Referring to the progress of education in his message
of 1857, the Governor said: "Our educational
system is slowly but surely conquering the prejudices
and gaining the confidence of the people. Under the
fostering care of liberal and enlightened legislation,
its ultimate triumph is certain. When the system was
first introduced it was supposed that it could be perfected
and forced into general and vigorous operation by
the mere will of the Legislature. Experience has proved
that in this, as in every other great social and moral
reform, time and that consent which arises from a radical
change in the public mind were required. This slow process
of the acclamation of the new system to our social
and moral atmosphere has been in operation for nearly
twenty years, and it is now evident that the period for
another effective interposition of legislative aid and authority
in favor of our noble system of public schools has
arrived." Governor Pollock's last message to the General
Assembly, January 6, 1858, was largely a plea for
the further development of the system of public education.
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30 The Northumberland Countp Historical Societp
He then said: "The organic structure of our system
is as perfect, perhaps, as human legislation can
make it; but it needs the competent and thoroughly
trained teacher to give it greater vitality and efficiency,
and secure the full accomplishment of the purposes of
this creation. The teacher, the properly educated, the
well trained, the scientific teacher, is the great want of
the system. We need the teaching mind, not the automaton
movements of mere physical organization or antiquated
routine, to direct and control the intellectual energies
of the youth of the Commonwealth. We require
mind, educated mind, in our schools, that knowledge
may be communicated, not only effectively and practically,
but that in training the young they may be taught
to think-how- to think-to investigate and know for
themselves, and thus be fitted and prepared for the high
and responsible duties of the man and the citizen.
"This deficiency can only be' supplied by State
Normal Schools for the education of teachers. To them
we must look. The future is full of hope. Much has
already been done to provide for their establishment and
support. In connection with honorable individual effort,
more legislative encouragement may be required. It
should be given cheerfully and promptly. No matter
of greater interest can claim your attention; no one appeals
with more reason and truth, to duty and patriotism.
"Teachers institutes, as auxiliary to Normal Schools,
should be aided by the State. Through their agency,
sustained by the noble and self-denying efforts of the
teachers themselves, much good has been accomplished
in educating and training teachers, and in dignifying a
profession too long undervalued by those most deeply interested
in their useful labors.
"In the great work of popular education, there
should be no retrograde movement in Pennsylvania-no
yielding to the impotent clamor of ignorance, selfishness
or prejudice, in their attempts to stay its progress. These,
one and all, may denounce and condemn, but virtue,
patriotism, truth, bid you onward. Let the system be
maintained in its unity and usefulness; let it be improved
and perfected in its details; but let no act of yours imGovernor
James Pollock
pair its strength, or mar the beauty of harmony of its
proportions.
"Based as our institutions are, on the will of the
people-dependent for preservation on their virtue and
intelligence-knowledge with us should occupy the high
position to which it is so pre-eminently entitled. Knowledge
founded upon the pure principle of eternal truth,
is the crowning glory of the citizen-the safe-guard of
the State. Education, full and free, is the boon we ask
for the children of the Commonwealth-it is the duty,
paramount to all others, the State owes to her citizens.
The aid of the Commonwealth should be liberally bestowed.
The subject, in all its relations, is warmly commended
to the generous care and patronage of the Legislature."
(Pennsylvania Archives, Fourth Series, VII,
947-948.)
Governor Pollock refused the renomination offered
him and retired from the governorship with the respect
of the public regardless of party. When he left Harrisburg,
at the conclusion of his term, both Houses of the
General Assembly by unanimous vote adjourned and
headed by their respective speakers and officers, accompanied
him in a body from his rooms to the depot
and bade him an affectionate farewell. The scene was
significant and impressive.
He resumed the practice of law in his former office
in Milton, but he was destined for a wider and more
important field of activity and usefulness. In his home
life Governor Pollock was a useful citizen and a leader
in all that the term implies.
He was made a director of the original Milton
Savings Bank, of which he was one of the incorporators,
December 29, 1857. When it was chartered, July
7, 1858, he became the firfst president of the board.
This later became the Milton National Bank. He served
as its president until July 2, 1860, when he removed to
Philadelphia. In 1855 he had been elected a trustee of
Lafayette College, and in 1863, when Dr. McPhail resigned
from the presidency of the board, as well as from
the presidency of the college, Governor Pollock was
elected president of the board and was always most
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32 Thie Northumberland Countp Historical Societp
zealous and active in behalf of the college. When Dr.
William C. Cattell was inaugurated president of the college,
July 26, 1864, Governor Pollock delivered an important
address. On October 21, 1873, at the dedication
of Pardee Hall, he was again most conspicuous as the
president of the board of trustees. He resigned October,
1876, when his duties had changed and his time was
occupied with them. It is also interesting to note that
when the Pennsylvania Military School was established
at Chester, in 1869, Mr. Pollock became the first
president of the board of trustees and served in this
important position to the day of his death.
He was also president of the Board of Managers
Pennsylvania Society to Protect Children from Cruelty.
President of the Board of Managens Pennsylvania Industrial
Home for Blind Women. Trustee of the Board
of Magdelen Society, of Philadelphia. He served for
nineteen years as an elder of the West Arch Street Presbyterian
Church, of Philadelphia.
Politics was destined to be the important factor in
his eventful life. While serving as the Chief Executive
he struggled to keep alive the Whig party organization,
but when the Know Nothings, Whigs and Republicans
met in Harrisburg to make a last struggle for
unity, none exerted a more potent influence for a cordial
agreement than did Governor Pollock. He was not, however,
in any sense a political leader, but he enthulsiastically
advocated what afterwards became the platform
of the New Republican party, holding, that while slavery
could not be constitutionally disturbed in the S'tates
where it then existed, it should not be extended to the
Territories. Upon the formation of the new party it
was but natural he should ally himself with it. He took
active part in the campaign for the Presidency in 1860,
when his personal friend Abraham Lincoln was thie
candidate.
A great mass meeting was held in Milton, when
the Governor presided and made the principal address.
Others who spoke were Major General, afterwards Governor,
John W. Geary, John B. Packer, Franklin Bound
and Colonel A. R. Fiske.
Governor James Pollock3
Governor PolloLk headed hLe list of Presidential
Electors who cast the first Republican votes from Pennsylvania
for President. It is of local interest to note that
Messrs. Taggart, Kirkpatrick, Curtin, Hall and Calvin
who also served as electors for Lincoln, were school
mates of Governor Pollock at the old Milton Academy.
The Governor was always a patriot and most
fearless in defining his sentiments regarding the impending
Civil War. In his anual message to the General
Assembly in 1857, he said: "Pennsylvania tolerates no
sentiment of disunion-she knows not the word. The
Union and the Constitution, the safe guard and the bond
of American freeman who cherish the principles and
honor the memory of the illustrious founders of the Repulblic."
He was selected by the friends of peace and reconciliation
to represent Pennsylvania in the great Peace
Conference which met in Washington in February, 1861.
This delegation consisted of James Pollock, Chairman,
William McKennan, David Wilmot, Thomas White, William
M. Meredith, A. W. Loomis and Thomas E. Franklin.
It was this conference that presented the Crittenden
Compromise measure for the consideration of Congress.
One day after Mr. Lincoln arrived in Washington,
previous to his inauguration, he called his old friend
and room-mate, Jim Pollock, to Washington, to consult
with him upon the grave questions confronting him, and
to ask him about the selection of certain members of his
cabinet. While talking with Mr. Lincoln at the hotel,
the card of Stephen Douglass was sent to Mr. Lincoln.
He and Douglass had not met since the election of, the
former. When the card was presented Mr. Lincoln
turned to Governor Pollock and said: "Douglass has
sent up his card and wants to see me." Mr. Pollock was
in the act of retiring when Mr. Lincoln insisted that he
remain in the room, no doubt feeling that the presence
of his friend might relieve him from embarrassment. In
a few minutes Mr. Douglass entered the room and Mr.
Lincoln advanced to meet him and greeted him cordially.
The visitor was also glad to meet his former colleague,
and the three were soon at ease. After a few minutes
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34 The Northumberland Countp Historical Soclete
Mr. Douglass said: "Mr. Lincoln, I have come to see you
for the purpose of assuring you of my earneet and hearty
support in the difficult task you have before you."
The cloud of the Civil War was then just beginning
to appear and Mr. Douglass said further that he hoped
the President would call upon him at any and all times,
and assured him that he would always be ready -to aid
in maintaining the integrity of the Union of the States.
Mr. Lincoln was deeply affected, as was Mr. Pollock,
and tears came into the eyes of the President as he said:
"I thank you, Mr. Douglass; God bless you."
Numerous mass meetings were held throughout
Pennsylvania when the war clouds lowered. None was in
greater demand as a speaker than ex-Governor Pollock.
He frequently presided as the chairman, or as the prinhcipal
speaker. One such memorable meeting was held
in Milton, April 19, 1861, a week after the attack on
Fort Sumter, and he presided as chairman. A company of
volunteers was immediately organized, which took the
name of "Pollock Guards," the first such company in
the county. They offered themselves with the first requisition
for troops under the first call of the President,
but were not accepted, as the complement for the county
was filled by organized companies. A second effort to
enlist was made and on May 15, the Pollock Guards departed
from Milton in a canal boat for Camp Curtin, at
Harrisburg. They were again rejected and returned to
Milton. Having so patriotically signified their willingness
to enlist for three years they were called into the
service and assigned to the Reserve Corps, and, June 1,
again went to the State Capitol, where they were mustered
into the United States Army as Company H, Fifth
Reserves. This company was commanded by Captain
John H. McCleery, a nephew of James Pollock. The company
contained on its rolls many of the most distinguished
citizens of Milton and immediate vicinity, and
they served throughout the war. S. Hepburn Pollock,
son of the former Governor, was a volunteer officer and
laid down his life on the altar of his country. The
local camp of Sons of Union Veterans of the Civil War
bear his name.
Governor James Pollock
On May 1, 1861, President Lincoln appointed ex-
Governor Pollock to be Director of the United States
Mint, and he removed to Philadelphia.
It was during this service that the motto "In God
We Trust," was placed upon the coins of the United
States. This simple but expressive device carries us back
to "the time that tried mens' souls." It was suggestive of
the terrible strain which the country was undergoing
at that time. The war was nearing an end, but the name
of James Pollock, who, as Director of the Mint, appealed
to the loyalty of the people through the nation's
coinage, will remain.
There have been numerous stories of how this legend,
or motto, was originally placed upon the coins, in
some of which the name of James Pollock is not even
mentioned. It is well that we can have the question
settled beyond the semblance of a doubt, and by Mr. Pollock
himself. Albert Williams, of West Orange, N. J.,
who, I believe, was an official of the mint, under Director
Pollock, tells the first part of the story: "Some time
since, in San Francisco, a friend called on me to inquire
if I could tell him who caused the motto 'In God We
Trust' to be placed upon the coins of the United States.
He told me he had put the question to many and they
had answered they did not know. One said it was Hon.
IS. P. Chase. 'No', I replied, 'not Mr. Chase, but my
esteemed friend, ex-Governor James Pollock, of Pennisylvania.'
But, for confirmation, I promised to write
to Governor Pollock. I did so, and, herewith, now that
the dear good man has recently passed away to the
better country, in memory of one of many proofs of his
Christian patriotism, I send to the New York Observer
so much of the answer as relates to the interesting
question."
Philadelphia, Pa.
"I answer to your inquiries about the motto 'In God
We Trust' permit me to say that I was appointed Director
of the United States Mint in 1861, by President
Lincoln; the Hon. S. P. Chase was Secty. of the Treasury.
Early in the year 1864, believing that the recognition
of our Nation's God on our national coins was a
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36 The Northumberland Counts Historical Societp
national as well as personal religious duty-particularly
as we were then ithe rdst of a fearbul war and struggle
for our nation's unity and life, I corresponded with
the Secretary, Mr. Chase, and urged the propriety of
placing upon the coins of the United States the motto
'In God We Trust,' or 'God Our Trust.' After some
correspondence, Mr. Chase approved my suggestions,
and in 1864 or early in 1865, I prepared a bill to be
submitted to Congress authorizing the motto 'In God We
Trust' (approved by Secretary Chase) to be placed upon
all coins of the United States (gold and silver) large
enough to contain the motto. The bill passed both House
and Senate unanimously. In 1865, before the final passage
of the bill, specimen coins with the motto were
struck and placed in the cabinet of the United States
Mint, and some were sent to the Secretary. In 1866
the regular coinage of gold and silver coin with the
motto was commenced, and has continued ever since,
on all the coins large enough to contain the motto,
except the nickle five cent piece, from which it was omitted
by my successor, after my retirement from that
office, why, I cannot answer. James Pollock."
Director Pollock was asked to resign when Andrew
'Johnson succeeded to the Presidency and he did so,
October 1, 1866, when he resumed the practice of the
law in Philadelphia. On April 20, 1869, President Grart
appointed Mr. Pollock to his former position, when he
again entered upon the duties of director. A reorganization
of the personnel of the mint was made in 1873,
when Mr. Pollock was elevated to the position of Superintendent
and Dr. Linderman was made Director. Mr.
Pollock remained in this responsible position until 1879,
when he resigned, and in the same year was appointed
Naval Officer at Philadelphia, in which he continued
for four years. His last official position was that of Federal
Chief Supervisor of Elections, to which he was appointed
in 1886.
Mr. Pollock thus served as the tenth director and
the first superintendent of the United States Mint. A
portrait painted by Winner, is an excellent likeness of
Mr. Pollock, and it hangs in the Mint at Philadelphia.
Govemor James Pollock
A copper bronze medal, size 50, has been struck by the
In this connection it should be noted that Albert
Newsam, the celebrated artist, painted a half-length,
front face portrait of the Governor, before he completed
his term. This is the one which hangs in the executive
Department of the Capitol at Harrisburg.
Mr. Pollock did not again return to the practice of
the law. McClure says: "As a lawyer, he was not up to
date, and enjoyed only moderate success." It is said of
him that he was extremely Puritancal in his attitude
towards cards and liquor. He was a firm believer in the
,ancient code of "an eye for an eye, etc.," and for this
reason he did not mind signing a death warrant, when
serving as the Chief Executive.
Governor Pollock continued to reside in Philadelphia
until his health so weakened him that he sought comfort
in the home of his daughter, Mrs. H. T. Harvey, of
Lock Haven. This was but a short time before his death,
which occurred April 19, 1890, in the 80th year of his
age. All his children were at his bedside, and his passing
was not unexpected.
The editorial notices of his death expressed the
love and esteem in which he was held throughout the
Commonwealth. The opening paragraph of the editorial
in the Philadelphia Times, a Democratic paper, of April
20, 1890, was: "James Pollock had so gradually passed
from prominent public trust into the evening shadows
of an honored life that he had long ceased to be a prominent
actor among active men; but his death, that
occurred on Saturday evening at Lock Haven, will be
none the less sincerely and widely lamented. He was
one of the purest and best of our public men for a full
half century, and in his early vigor he was one of the
most progressive of his age." The concluding paragraph
of the lengthy editorial was: "Ex-Governor Pollock was
a most sincere and earnest Christian philanthropist, and
his best efforts for mankind are less noted because his
political prominence overshadowed them. He has left
a most lustrous record of conscientious usefulness in
public and private life, and the world is certainly better
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38 The Northumberland Countp Historical Society
because James Pollock lived, labored and died in it."
The Public Ledger said in the opening paragraph:
"Forty-five years ago, James Pollock. who has iJut died
at TL0oek Haven, Pennsylvania, was a member of Congress
from this State, and thirty-five years ago he was
elected Governor of the Commonwealth. These dates
indicate that he was a man of large influence and renown
more than a generation ago. His death revives
the memory of historic times, which were serious times.
His election as Governor was coincident with the rise of
the Republican party."
The Harrisburg Telegraph said much, several
excerpts are: "Ex-Governor Pollock has always been
noted for the interest he has taken in religious matters,
and particularly those tending towards the advancement
and elevation of the morals of young men. *****
The ex-Governor never wearied in the good work, and
his influence among the young people especially was as
extensive as it was effective and noble. His lectures to
young men always attracted many listeners, and were
justly considered to be literary and religious gems, that
sparkled with truth, sturdy morality, and wholesome
advice."
The Presbyterian said: "He was a man who served
his generation with honor and fidelity. As a citizen he
was upright and useful. As a Christian he was humble,
active and zealous. His political reputation was noted
for his integrity and trustworthiness. The Church honors
him for his consistent life, for his fidelity to her
principles, and for his manly stand for right and truth,
and for his activity in good works. He was a recognized
force in our body. He was kind and generous in dis-
:position and a man without ostentation. He has left a
commendable record behind him, and Church and State
lament his departure."
Every business place in Lock Haven was closed
during the brief funeral service, and as the procession
moved to the depot all the bells of the city tolled and
every mark of respect was shown the memory of the
distinguished dead. Numerous relatives, friends and
officials accompanied the remains from Lock Haven to
Milton, where interment was to be made.
Governor James Pollock
All business was suspended in Milton, many business
places and private homes were draped in mourning;
flags fluttered at half mast; and hundreds of acquaintances
and strangers gather to attend the funeral.
Delegations from Washington, Philadelphia, Harrisburg,
Sunbury and other places, among whom were
distinguished public officials, led by Governor James
A. Beaver, were in attendance.
The body lay in state in the First Presbyterian
Church for an hour. Floral tributes were sent from officials
of the Nation and the Commonwealth, and from
religious and educational institutions, and hundreds of
relatives and friends. The services were conducted by
Rev. Dr. Hemphill, of Philadelphia, who delivered the
'euology. He was assisted by Rev. Mr. Nesbitt, of Lock
Haven, and Rev. W. P. Breed, of Milton.
Colonel C. E. Hyatt, Captain G. D. Howell, Cadets
Hoffman, King, Jones and Shoemaker, all in full uniform
of the Pennsylvania Military Academy, of Chester,
of which the deceased was the president of the board
of trustees from its institution more than twenty-eight
years, acted a guard of honor in the church and on the
march to the cemetery. The pall bearers were Hon.
William C. Lawson, General Jesse Merrill, Colonel Joseph
D. Potts, Captain William P. McCleery, Dr. James
P. McCleery and Dr. Charles H. Dougal.
Noted among the hundreds in attendance were:
Governor Beaver, W. H. Shoemaker, of Philadelphia;
Hon. R. P. Allen, Editor Zellers, and Judge Metzger, of
Williamsport; Captain John Bowman and E. W. Green,
of Muncy; Hon. Joshua Comly, of Danville; Captain J.
M. Linn, Judge J. C. Bucher, Hon. John Walls and Wm.
Johns of Lewisburg; Hon. John B. Packer, Judge W. M.
Rockafeller, of Sunbury; Hon. John B. Linn, Bellefonte;
Hon. Franklin Bound, Hon. Thomas Swenk and Col.
John McCleery, of Milton.
Interment was made in the Milton Cemetery, where
a modest monument marks the final resting place of
James Pollock, scholar, jurist statesman, man of high
and noble ideals and splendid character, Governor of
Pennsylvania, Milton's most distinguished native son.
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